This is a contentious and long-standing question for
students of the Viking Age. And it’s one bound up in the wider debate about the
scale of western Viking settlement more broadly. Those who argue that the
Vikings who settled in England in the late ninth and tenth century (following
decades of raiding) were a numerically small warrior-elite see the Scandinavian
settlement as a largely masculine affair. But those who (like me - see my recent debate paper in Antiquity or a popular article here) argue that the settlement was large-scale and involved whole families migrating across the North Sea maintain
that Scandinavian women were integral to the establishment of new farmsteads.
In the past, the small number of known Scandinavian female
burials in England has given fuel to the argument that few Viking women settled
in England. But over the last two
decades, a fresh source of data has emerged giving an entirely different
perspective. New discoveries of female Scandinavian jewellery, made by
metal-detecting, offer the first tangible evidence for a substantial contribution
of Scandinavian women to the Viking settlements.
To date, over 150 female jewellery items from Scandinavia
have been discovered in England – almost exclusively in areas known to have
been settled by the Vikings (East Anglia, Lincolnshire and Yorkshire). These
items are brooches and pendants, often decorated in the popular Viking art styles of the time: Borre and Jellinge. They are identical to jewellery items found in Scandinavia,
especially in southern Scandinavia (modern-day Denmark). And there are lots of
different types – trefoil brooches, with three ‘arms’, small domed disc
brooches decorated with animal faces and contorted bodies, different styles of
pendant, some in the form of snakes (see above), others disc-shaped……the list goes on and
on. Most are made of copper or lead alloys and are not especially high-status - more Zara than Prada. In archaeological terms, 150 is a lot. And we have to remember that these are only the items that were lost at the time (and not recovered), survived in the soil for over 1000 years, found by a detectorist, and reported to the relevant bodies. 150 is likely just a tiny fraction of the actual number of brooches circulating at the time.
While the pendants were worn suspended from necklaces, the brooches would have been pinned to the chest, with larger brooches securing an outer cloak. Anglo-Saxon women also wore brooches, but the types I’m talking about look very different – in their shape, decoration and even their pin fittings. They would have stuck out a mile if worn in rural Norfolk circa 895.
While the pendants were worn suspended from necklaces, the brooches would have been pinned to the chest, with larger brooches securing an outer cloak. Anglo-Saxon women also wore brooches, but the types I’m talking about look very different – in their shape, decoration and even their pin fittings. They would have stuck out a mile if worn in rural Norfolk circa 895.
A Scandinavian disc brooch in the Barre style. Three staring animal heads poke out from between the lobes of a trefoil. Found in rural Norfolk in 2014. Image copyright PAS. |
But do these jewellery items necessarily imply the presence of Scandinavian women? Couldn't they simply have been imported trade goods, or represent local products that were worn by Anglo-Saxon women in imitation of
Scandinavian fashions? In my opinion, no. The
material is far too diverse to represent the average stock of a merchant, while
technical features such as the pin arrangement on the reverse of the brooch,
and even the metal alloy, indicates that they were not made according to
Anglo-Saxon methods. Moreover, the distribution of this material is rural and very
widespread, as if these items had been lost by women on or near their farms. If
items were being imported and sold on, we would expect clustering in towns.
The jewellery offers a tangible marker of a female Viking
presence in England. But other evidence also points to Scandinavian women
living in England. Scandinavian feminine names are preserved in minor
place-names, referring to fields, streets and rivers (names that are likely to
have been coined by local Norse-speaking farming populations). Hildr in Hilderholm (Lincolnshire), Gerđr in Gerdeswelle (Norfolk), and, interestingly,
from the perspective of Scandinavian women in towns, Guđrún in Goodramgate (York), are all examples. Place-names
incorporating women’s names and ending in ‘by’ (meaning village/ settlement)
and ‘thorpe’ (meaning secondary settlement) suggest independent landholding by
women bearing Scandinavian names. Gunnhildr in Gunby (Yorkshire), Ragnhildr in Raventhorpe
(Lincolnshire and Yorkshire), and Ingiríđr in Ingerthorpe
(Yorkshire), are all examples.
More broadly, it
is likely that women who shared a common, Scandinavian culture with male
settlers had a decisive role in preserving that culture in a new setting. In historical
migration contexts, it is typically women, more than men, who maintain
international kinship connections, store knowledge about personal histories,
preserve social customs and adjust cultural practices. Critically, the mother’s
cultural background usually filters down to the next generation more strongly
than the father’s. In the context of the Viking settlement of England, we know that
Old Norse survived in some parts of England into the tenth and eleventh
century. A prerequisite for this must have been the presence of Norse-speaking
women, using Scandinavian
speech in the home and passing their language on to their children (The
alternative scenario: that Scandinavian male settlers married local, English-speaking
women, who then learned Old Norse and raised their children in that language,
or bilingually, is far less likely).
The evidence for a female contribution to the Viking settlement of England continues to grow, as new finds are made year on year. Perhaps it’s time we re-cast our image of the Vikings in England, to include women (and children) alongside men.
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You can read more about the debate over the scale of Viking settlement in England (including my response to a recent controversial DNA study) in the latest (July/ August) issue of British Archaeology Magazine, and here.
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